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! PARIS — JUNE 1919 === 


Erhaltung und U itergang der Staatsverfassungen nach Plato, Aris- 
toteies und Machiavelli. Breslau 1888. 

The Origin and Growth of Plato's Logic, with an account of Plato's 
style and of the chronology of his writings. London, New York and 
Bombay, Longmans, Green S? Go. 1897. 

Ueber die Grundvorausset^ungen und Consequençen der individua- 
listischen Weltanschauung. Helsingfors 1898. 

Seelenmacht, Abriss einer çeitgemâssen Weltanschauung. Leip- 
zig, 1899. 

Platon jako twôrca ideali^mu i socjali^mu. Warszawa 1899. 
wychowaniu narodowem. Krakôw 1900. 
Z dped?iny Mysli, studja filojoficjiie. Krakôw 1900. 
Eleusis, c^asopismo elsôw. Krakôw 1903. 

Logika ogôlna, c^yli teorja po^nania i logika formalna. Krakôw 1906. 
Ludfkosc Odrodfona, wijje pr^ys^tosci. Warszawa 1910. 

Volonté et Liberté, Paris, Alcan, 1913. 

The Polish Nation, Paris, Boyveau et Chevillet,' 1917. 

Gdansk and East Prussia. Paris, 1919. 

Lithuania and White Ruthenia. Paris, 1919. 

La conscience nationale et la ligue des nations. Paris, 19L9- 

v A, 



The wave of social unrest which goes through the world 
and prevents us from enjoying peace, has its hidden sources 
in Germany, and in Bolshevist Russia, The agitation which 
makes the working men believe that they can indefinitely 
increase their salaries and reduce their hours of work, uses 
everywhere to a great extent the funds which the Bolshevists 
have robbed in .Russia and Ukraine. 

German money has created in Eastern Galicia the Rutheno- 
Ukrainian party which prétends to represent thirty millions 
of Ruthenians, who mostly know nothing of the Galician 
politicians speaking in their name. German money has created 
the Bolshevist révolution in Russia and has supplied the 
Bolshevists with the necessary sophisms, paradoxes and fal- 
sehoods in order to poison the life of the Russian working 
man and to destroy the work of générations. Germany has 
still money enough to organise armies against Poland, and 
has men enough to supply Ruthenians and Bolshevists with 
officers. And Germany succeds in persuading the Allies that 
a strong Poland is not necessary, and that a strong Germany 
will pay the war debt sooner than a Germany conscious of 

Every concession made to Germany prevents the cons- 
ciousness of defeat, without which there is no peace for 
the world. The Allies seem to have forgotten every thing 
that they have learnt about the Germans during thé war.. 
They are anxious to please the defeated enemy. They did not 
allow the Polish army formed in France to reach Poland 

through Dantzig. They did not respect the expert' s opinion 
twice reasserted,- that Dantzig should belongto Poland. They 
offer further concessions to Germany at the expense of Poland , 
and they are not aware that in 1919, as in i683, a strong 
Poland is the only hope of Europe against oriental despotism, 
whether this despotism be called Tsarism or Bolshevism. 

Poland is weakened by the loss of Dantzig, it is threa- 
tened by other losses, and is calumniated by the Germans 
and Jews ail over the world. The Jews forgét that in no 
country in the world have they been treated better, and that 
in 1905, when they suffered 700 true pogroms in Russia, 
there was only one place in Poland, where there was a 
disturbance created by Russian officers, and that, in that 
one place, in Siecllce, Pôles lost their lives in defending 
the Jews (1). In vain honest Jews, like Samuel Tilles, the 
président of the Jewish community in Cracow, (2) protest 
against the false accusations against the Pôles. The British 
Foreign Office believed doubtful reports before there was 
any possibility of verifying [them (3). In vain some British 
papers warn the public against such credulity (4). 

It is not surprising that in some places, the Pôles may 
have been tempted to carry out on a small scale what has 
been so persistently ascribed to them. [If an individual is 
persistently calumniated, he may be_ tempted to make the 
calumny true (5), should this furnish an opportunity of 
punishing the calumniator. The same thing may happen 
to uneducated masses brought to despair by famine, if those 
who have caused the famine prétend to have been wronged. 
But Poland remains, and ,will remain, the safest refuge tor 
the Jews, when in Russia and Germany they will be called 

to account for their deeds. And nobody can deny now, after 


(1) See Abraham Grûnberg, Ein Jùdisch-Polnisch-Russisches Jubi- 
laeum. Der grosse Pogrom von Siedlce im J. 1906, Prag 1916. 

(2) See his letter published in Nowa Reforma on March 24, 1918. 

(3) See the Times of Nov. 29, 1918. 

(4; See the New Witness of Nov. 29, 1918. 
(5) See Echegarray El Gran Galeoto. 

the publication of the British White Book on Bolshevism, 
that Jews have been the chief leaders of the criminal gang 
which has destroyed for a long time to corne the resources 
of Russia, and which murdered thousands of Pôles carried 
away to Russiajby the retreating Russian armies (i). When 
the Pôles were murdered by the Jews^ in Russia, no 
meetings of indignation were held in Western countries, 
and npbody drew the conclusion that Russia did not deserve 
freedom and independence, because she tolerated the rule 
of murderers and robbers for such a long time. 

But such influential associations as the American Jewish 
Committee, and the Zionist Organisation of America, pré- 
tend that the Pôles have shown themselves unflt to govern 
their own country, and they ask international control of 
Poland in order to secure the safety of the Jews! 

Such claims are not made in the interest of the Jews. 
The Jews of Poland know very well that they are safe. They 
calumniate Poland only to save Germany, because a strong 
Poland is the only remedy against German militarism, and 
German war is an excellent business for the Jews of ail 
countries. No people has won so much money through 
the war as the Jews, in Poland as elsewhere. When in 
Cracow in April 1918, the population had no bread, the 
Jews bought, at extravagant prices, the flour which could 
still be got from the peasants, in order to export it to Ger- 

Germany does not feel beaten, and discusses the terms 
of peace as an equal with equals, not as a criminal nation 
awaiting the deserved punishment. As long as there is no 
strong Poland, Germany will dominate Russia, and prépare 
another war. In order to prevent the existence of a strong 
Poland, an unprecedented campaign of calumnies and 

(1) Arnong those victims were two younger brothers of the author, 
Marjan and Jôzef Lutosîawski, who devoted their lives to the Polish 
cause and had discovered the secret treaty by which the Germans 
authorised Bolshevist propaganda in Poland. 

— 6 — 

Bolshevist indignation meetings has been undertaken throu- 
ghout the world. 

It is worth while to consider seriously while there is 
yet time, what the conséquences to the .world will be, if the 
world sacrifices Poland again to the greatness of Germany 
and Russia, under the strange delusion that a territorially 
strong Germany will pay sooner a big war indemnity. 
For the world's peace it would be safer to give up every 
hope of any pecuniary indemnity, and to reduce to the 
utmost the territory over which the Germans rule. 

There is not the slightest probability that the Germans 
would be ill-treated by the Pôles, the Tchèques, the Danes 
or the French, even if many Germans remained in such 
territories as have been once seized by them, but which ought 
to be restituted to the nation from which they have been 
taken. There is a certainty that Pôles, Danes or Tchèques 
who remain under German rule will be treated as the 
Germans have always treated their victims. 

The conséquences of every weakness in the final délimi- 
tation of Germany's future boundaries become évident if we 
draw the natural conclusions from the British White Book 
on Bolshevism. The danger to European civilisation has not 
decreased since the pathetic appeals made by British and 
neutral diplomats to the Foreign Office in 191 8. The end 
of Bolshevism in Russia is no guarantee against similar out- 
breaks elsewhere. On the contrary, the Bolshevists, when 
they see that they can draw nothing more from Russia, will 
use elsewhere their considérable accumutated spoils, and the 
expérience acquired by their agents. The danger will increase 
for the world at large when it will seem to be at an end for 
Russia. And this danger will continue for a long time, even 
when we shall apparentjy be at peace. Bolshevism has edu- 
cated a légion of anarchists who will not suddenly be con- 
verted into lawabiding citizens. 

Should Bolshevism fail, its alternative is autocracy. 
Without a strong Poland, nothing will prevent Germany 

and Russia from joining their forces in order to form a very 
powerful Empire; Russia has revealed her weakness, and 
such weakness cannot be ftealed in a single génération, as 
it represents the passivity of the population, and opens the 
field for German rule in Russia and Asia. 

The author of this pamphlet invites ail his readers to 
send their names and addresses if they wish to receive 
further publications on the subject. In view of the interna- 
tional Bolshevist organisation which threatens the social peace 
of the world, it is désirable to unité those who understand 
the danger, and who wish to apply the remedy. 


Château Barby p. Banneville, June 6 th. igig 




1. — The British White Book on Bolshevism. 

The officiai collection of reports on Bolshevism in Russia, 
published in April 1919 by the British Government*, contains 
many warnings by compétent witnesses, that the Russian 
outbreak threatened the whole of European civilisation, if the 
Allies did not stop the contagion by their energetic interven- 

' - - * - 

Opinion of the Netherlands Minister. 

The Netherlands Minister at Petrograd wrote already on 
September 6 th. 191$: (page 6 of the White Book). 

« The danger is now so great that I feel it my duty to call 
the attention of the British and ail other Governments to the 
fact that if an end is not put to Bolshevism in Russia at 
once, the civilisation of the whole world will be threatened. 
This is not an exaggeration, but a sober matter of fact.... I 
consider thaï the immédiate suppression of Bolshevism is 
the g.eatest issue now before the world, not even excluding 
the war which is still raging; and unless, as above stated, 
Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately, it is bound to 
spread^n one form or another over Europe and the whole 
world, as it is Oiganised and woiked by Jews who have no 
nationality, and whose one object is to destroy for their own 
ends the existing order of things. The only manner in which 

* Price 9 d.. H. M. Stationery Office, Impérial House, Kingsway, 
London, W. C. 2. 

— IO — 

this danger could be averted, would be collective action onthe 
part of ail the Powers. 

I am also of opinion that no support whatever should be 
given to any other Socialistic party in Russia, least of ail to 
the Social Revolutionaries, whose policy it is at the moment 
to overthrow the Bolsheviks, but whose aims in reality are 
the same : to establish prolétariat rule throughout the 
world. » 

Mr. Lockharts summary. 

Similar are the chief points sent by Mr. (Lockhart to 
Mr. Balfour two months later, on November 10 th. 1918. 
He says : (p. 1 1-12). 

« i-The Bolsheviks have established a rule of force and 
oppression unequalled in the history of any autocracy. 

2. Themselves the "fiercest upholders of the^ right of free 
speech, they have suppressed, since coming into power, every 
newspaper which does -not approve their policy. In this 
respect the Socialist press has sufferea 1 most of ail. Even the 
papers of the Internationalist Mensheviks, like « Martov », 
have been suppressed and closed down, and the unfortunate 
editors thrown into prison or forced to fiée for their lives. 

3. The right of holding public meetings has been abo- 
lished. The vote has been taken awây from everyone except 
the workmen in the factories, and the poorer servants, and 
■even amongst the workmen, those who dare to vote against 
the Bolsheviks are mai ked down by the Bolshevik secret police 
as counter-revolutionaries, and are fortunate if their worst 
fate is to be thrown into prison, of which in Russia today it 
may truly be said : « many.go in, but few corne out ». 

4. The worst crimes of the Bolsheviks have been against 
their Socialist opponents. Of the countless exécutions which 
the Bolsheviks have carried out, a large percentage has fallen 
on the heads of Socialists who had waged a life long struggle 
against the old régime, but who are now denounced as 
counter-revolutionaries, merely because they disapprove of 
the manner in which the Bolsheviks have discredifed 

5. The Bolsheviks have abolished even the most primitive 
forms of justice. Thousands of men and women have been 


shot without even the 

trial, and thousands 

more are left to rot in the prisons under conditions, to find a 
parallel to which, one must turn to the darkest annals of 
Indian or Chinese history. 

6. The Bolsheviks have restored the barbarous methods 
of torture. The examination of prisoners frequently takes 
place with a revolver at the unfortunate prisoner's head. 

7. The Bolsheviks have established the odious practice of 
taking hostages. Still worse, they have struck at their poli-, 
tical opponents through their women folk. When recently a 
long list of hostages was published in Petrograd, the Bols- 
heviks seized the wives of those men whom they could' not 
find and threw them into prison until their husbands should 
give themselves up. J 

8. The Bolsheviks who destroyed the Russian army, and 
who have always been the avowed opponents of mititarism, 
have forcibly mobilised officeis who do not share their poli- 
tical views, but whose technical knowledge is indispensable, 
and by the tbueat of immédiate exécution have forced them. 
to fight against their fellow-count.ymen in a civil war of 
unparalleled horror. 

9. The avowed ambition of Lenin is to create civil war- 
fare throughout Europe. Eveiy speech of Lenin's is a denun- 
ciation of constitutional methods, and a glorification of the ' 
doctrine of physical force. With that objeçt in view, he is 
destroying systematically, both by exécutions and by delib- 
erate starvation, every form of opposition to Bolshevism. 
This system of « terror » is, aimed chieny at the Libérais 
and non-Bolshevik Socialists, whom Lenin regards as his 
most dangerous opponents. 

10. In order to maintain their popularity with the work- 
ing men and with their hired mercenaries, the Bolsheviks 
are paying their supporters enormous wages by means of an 
unchecked paper issue, until today money in Russia has 
naturally lost ail value. Even according to their own figures^, 
the Bolsheviks' expenditure exceeds the revenue by thousands 
of millions of roubles per annum. 

Thèse are facts for which the Bolsheviks may seek to 
find an excuse, but which they cannot deny* » 

Colonel Kimens on Bolshevism. 

Colonel Kimens, acting British Vice Consul at Petrograd y 
writes two days later, on November 12 th. 1918 (p. 20) : 

« Practically no différence is being made now betweens 
Russians and foreigners; they have to do forced Tabour; the 
flats are requisitioned, and occupants obliged to leave them 
at a few days notice; the furniture may not be removed, as. 
it has been declared national property, and clothes and pro- 
visions, above a small minimum, are confiscated. 

The state of affairs in Russia is becoming daily more 
critical, and the reign of terror is assuming proportions 
which seem quite impossible, and are incompatible with 
ail ideas of humanity and civilisation. Government, properly 
speaking, has ceased to exist in Russia, and the only work 
done by the Soviet authorities is the inciting of class hatred r 
requisitioning and confiscation of property, and destruction 
of absolutely everything, and world propaganda of Bolshe- 
vism. Ail freedom of word and action has been suppressed;: 
the country is being ruled by an autocracy which is infini- 
tely worse than that of the old régime; justice does not 
exist, and every act on the part of persons, not belonging to 
the « prolétariat », is interpreted as counter-revolutionaiy 
and punished by imprisonment, and in many cases exécu- 
tions, without giving the unfortunate victim a chance ot 
defending himself in a tribunal, as sentences are passed 
without trial.... 

The expropriation of land has led to a very considérable 
decrease of crops, the nationalisation of factories to a stand- 
still of industry, the seizure of the banks to a complète 
cessation of money circulation, and the nationalisation of 
trade to a deadlock in that branch of the économie life of 
the country, so that nothing is being produced, and then 
the system of the présent policy of confiscation will be applied 
on an increasing scale, as the dissatisfactibn of the masses 
cannot be admitted, and the popularity of the authorities 
must be kept up. 

' The intention of the Government is to rule on thèse Unes 
as long as possible, and afterwards to cany it on in other 
neighbouring countries, and as there are strong Bolshevik 

ttendencies in Poland *] the Ukraine, the Baltic provinces and 
in Finland, the danger is very great indeed that Bolshevism 
-will spread in those countries. In that case it will be impos- 
sible to. stop the movement which présents a danger to the 
•civilisation of the whole world ». 

Mr. Lindley on Bolshevism. 

After more than one year of Bolshevist rule, Mr. Lindley 
Tvired to Mr. Balfourfrom ArchangelonNovember 27 th, 1918: 
(p. 21 of the White Book). 

« It seems clear that no Government as at présent consti- 
rtuted can safely have dealings with a body of persons whose 
object is to overturn interests of Governments, especially 
:those whose broad démocratie base makes them most solid, 
and who have shown that no agreements they make will be 
allowed to stand in their way.... 

« The principal reason why Bolsheviks have lasted so 
Hong, is their unlimited supply of paper money, and I venture 
;to recommend that particular attention be paid to this side of 
the problem. This paper money enables them, not only to 
pay their way in Russia, but to build up crédits abroad, 
which are to be used to produce chaos in every civilised 
country. It is the first time in history that an anarchist society 
ihas unlimited resources.. 

« I am absolutely convinced nothing is to be gained by 
.ha'ving dealings with Bolsheviks. Over and over again they 
Jiave shown themselves devoid of ail scruples, and if it is 
inconvénient to punish their crimes and rid the world of 
ithem by force, the only alternative, consistent with selfrespect, 
is to treat them like pariahs. » 

Mr. Alston to Lord Curzon. 


Two months later 'Mr. Alston wired to Earl Curzon on 
January 23 rd. 1919:: (p. 28). 

« The Bolsheviks can no longer be described as a politicai 
party holding extrême communiste views. They form a rela- 
*ively small privileged class which is able to terrorise the rest 

* There are no Bolshevist tendencies in Poland, but many Bolshevist 
.agents with immense means, who came from Russia in order to 
tdestroy Polish liberty.. 

of the population, because it has a monopoly both of arms 
and of food supplies. This class consists chiefly of workmen 
and soldiers, and includes a large non-Russian élément, such 
as Letts and Esthonians and Jews; the latter are specially 
numerous in higher posts. Members of this class are allowed 
complète licence, and commit crimes agaïnst other sections 
of society ». 

Other witnesses. 

We read further a statement made in the Foreign Office 
onFebruary i3 th. 1919, by reliable witnesses, arrived recently 
from Russia : (p. 41). 

« Bolshevism in Russia offers to our civilisation no less 
a menace than did Prussianism, and until it is as ruthîessly 
destroyed, we may expect trouble, strikes, and révolutions 
everywhere. The German military party are undoubtedly 
working hand inhand with Russian Bolsheviks, with the idea 
of spreading Bolshevism ultimately to England, by which 
time they hope to have got over it themselves, and tb be in 
a position to take advantage of our troubles. For Bolshevik 
propaganda, unlimited funds are available. No other country 
can give their secret service such a free hand, and the resuit 
is that their agents are to be found where least expected ». 

Rev. Lombard on Bolshevism. 

We may conclude thèse extracts with the instructive 
testimony of the Rev. B. S. Lombard, who writes on March 
23 rd. 1919, to Earl Curzon, and thus sums up the aims of 
Bolshevism, *which he says « originated in German propa- 
ganda and was, and is being, carried out by international 
Jews ». Their aims are : (p. 56). 

« Radically to destroy ail ideas 01 patriotism and nation- 
ality by preaching the doctrine of internationalism which 
proved successful amongst the uncultured masses of the 
labouring classes. 

To obstruct by every means the création of military power r 
by preaching the ideas of peace, and to foster the abolition of 
military discipline. 

To keep the masses under the hypnosis of false Socialistic 

. <. • ' . ' _ ■ - • 1 ' / 

To buy up ail nationalisée! banks and to open everywhere 
branches of German Government banks under the names 
and titles of firms that would conceal their actual standing. 

To endeavour to impoverish and temporally to weaken 
the peasant classes, to bring aboû't national calamities, such 
as épidémies (the outbreak of choiera last summer was traced 
to this source), the wholesale burning down of villages and 

To preach the doctrine of the Socialisée form of manag- 
» ing enterprises among the working classes, to encourage 
their efforts to seize such enterprises, and then, by means of 
bankrupcies, to get them intô German hands. • 

To preach the idea of a six to eight hours' working day 
with higher wages. 

To crush ail compétition set on foot against them. 

Ail attempts of the intellectuals or other groups to under- 
take any kind of independent action, or to develop any 
industries, to be unmercifully checked, and in doing this to 
stop at nothing. 

Russia to be inundated by commission agents and other 
German représentatives, and a close network of agencies and 
offices should be created for ,the purpose of spreading 
amongst the masses, such views and teachings, as may at any 
given time be dictated from Berlin. » 

Thèse voices of compétent witnesses, who have seen the 
working of Bolshevism in Russia, ail agrée that Bolshevism 
is an international danger, and it becomes, therefore, a very 
important question to know which other nations are most 
seriously threatened, and where we may expect the greatest 
résistance to the Bolshevist contagion. 

We shall try, therefore, nrst to state briefly, according 
to the materials contained in the officiai publication, what 
Bolshevism is, and why it has been so successful in Russia. 
This will enable us to judge whether a Bolshevist révolution 
may be expected in Germany, and what means can prevent it. 

11. — General characteristics of Bolshevism. 

Foreign and antinational character of Bolshevism. 

The £rst thing thaf strîkes every impartial enleokcr *s tne- 
foreign criaracter ôf the Bolshevists* in Russia, Most of thé 
leaders of Russian Bolshevism are Jews- (lâtéê p. 32, 33, 56, 5*7, 
65, 68 of the officiai report), and Lenifî, although Russian by 
birth, has no patriotic feelings of any kind, He is so thorough- 
ly fascinated by the Jewish-German doctrine of Marx, though 
it is completely misunderstood by him, that he has lost ail 
contact with the Russian people, and seems to have become 
a very fanatical Jew himself, like Trotzky and his other com- 

Nothing especially Russian in Bolshevism. ^ 

We may therefore safely afflrm that there is nothing espe- 
cially Russian in Bolshevism, and that Bolshevism is not at 
ail an outcome of Russian life or history, as was the tsarist 
autocracy, though certain conditions made it easier for the 
Bolshevists to undertake their experiment in Russia than 
anywhere else. The antinational character of Bolshevism is 
also shown by the fréquent use they make of foreign troops, 
such as Letts and Chinese (the Letts are mentioned p. 7, 19, 
23, 24, 38, 41, 43; the Chinese p. 19, 23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 38), 
because they distrust the Russjans. The wilful destruction of 
ail national assets and of the national crédit for some time to 
corne, prove equally the antipatriotic and antinational cha- 
racter of Bolshevism. 

Insincerity of Bolshevists. 

The Bolshevists do not always sincerely confess their hate 
of national life, national enthusiasm and national indepeu- 
dence, but [they show clearly theii tendency to destroy national 
différences, and to bring ail nations under the absolute rule 
of a few leaders. The moral character of thèse leaders becomes 
évident, if we consider the extensive use made by the Bolshe- 
vists of lies and falsehoods, false promises and obligations 
which they do not mean to keep. They have publicly boasted 
that no treaty binds them. 

They do not represent the workmen* 

Their greatest lie is the false pretence that they represent 
the manilal workers of the land, or as they call them after 
Marx, the prolétariat. They use the working class only as an 
instrument for their own aims, without any regard for the 
interests of this working class. The Russian peasant, recently 
enrolled in manufacturies, is easily misled, as he is very 
credulous, and for that reason only he has become a welcome 
instrument of the Bolshevists, who, as a rule, do not corne 
from the working class themselves, and have never done 
anything for the working class. 

They have done great harm to labour. 

They cannot ignore that the stopping of every industrial 
production, the upkeeping throughout the whole country of 
the greatest insecurity, and the destruction of most intelligent 
organisers of labour, cannot improve the conditions of the 
workmen. They could have learnt from Marx, had they not 
known it themselves from the beginning, that every violent 
interférence with the natural évolution of industry is useless. 
They have deceived the workmen wilfully, in order to obtain 
the necessary material force for the réalisation of their own 
plan, which had not the advantage of the working class in 
view, but only the beneflt of the rulers. 

Gontempt of superiority. 

Another characteristic of the Bolshevists, is their déniai of 
the social value of intelligence, éducation, talent and every intel- 
lectual, moral or spiritual superiority. They teaeh such false- 
hoods as : any workman can be put at the head of a factory; 
schoolboys can elect and dominate their teachers; alsubal- 
tern officer can become the chief commander of an army; 
any uneducated agitator can be given a high office in the 
Government. This false doctrine can have no other aim than 
to destroy ail order in society, because anarchy and disorder 
facilitate wholesale robbery, and the wilful murder of num- 
berless victims. 

Use of false names and faise money. 

For the same purpose the Bolshevists use false names. 
They disguise their foreign origin by taking Russian or 

Polish names, to which they have no right. A Jew calls him- 
self LitwinofF, another takes the kingly name of Leszczynski, 
because they wish their true names to be unknown in order 
that they may be taken for Russians or Pôles. For simirar 
reasons, they falsify the paper money which they émit, and 
do not sign the new banknotes which they print, but imitate 
the old notes of the Tsar or of Kerenskij. They do not ac- 
knowledge their Government to be what it is, a Jewish 
oligarchy, but prétend that it is a dictature of the Russian 


Misunderstood Marxism. 

They prétend to give to the world a new social doctrine, 
a saving gospel, and in reality there is not a single original 
thought in ail their writings, which are nothing else than a 
travesty of Marxism. Marx had a certain conception of the 
future évolution of économie life, and he gave a picture of 
the final stage, which, according to his opinion, would be 
reached after centuries of évolution. Lenin takes this picture 
from JVJarx, and prétends to suddenly introduce, into a very 
unripe society, without any évolution, what Marx understood 
to be a probable resuit of long stiuggles. As Marx is a dis- 
ciple of Hegel, évolution is a essential point of his doctrine, 
while his conception of the final stage is not at ail essential; 
in fact, the real development of économie conditions has 
shown that Marx was wrong in supposing that capital would 
be concentrated in few hands, while in reality the number of 
small capitalists has steadily grown and has rapidly increased 
during the war. Lenin ignores thèse facts and wishes sud- 
denly to nationalise èverything. Some of his followers even 
wish to nationalise women, considering ttem as property, 

not as free beings. 


Marx and Lenin. 

Thèse extrêmes, mentioned in officiai reports, show 
cleaiiy that if we consider Bolshevism as a doctrine at ail, it 
is not a serious social theory, thought out in pursuit of truth 
or human happiness, but a mere caricature of a mistaken 
.point in the doctrine of Marx. Marx recommended class 
warfare, Lenin attempted the destruction of ail classes, except 

unskilled workmen and irrresponsible chiefs. Marx expeeted, 
in a distant future, the State ownership of the means of pro- 
duction, Lenin wishes to reduce the producers themselves 
to slavery; not for the benefit of the masses, but only to satisfy 
the unbounded ambition for power of a few ringieaders. 

False analogies. 

It is certainly a false pretence of the Bolshevists, if they 
compare their undertaking with the French Révolution, or 
with any other similar great social movement. They have 
no positive plan or programme of reforms, except the hatred 
and denunciation of the bourgeois; and they call bourgeois 
every educated person, every refined artist or scholar, whereby 
they only show their inability to understand Marx's real 
doctrine of an inévitable struggle between labour and capital. 

Wrong appréciation of talent. 

They show aiso an incredible stupidity when they believe 
that men of talent will work for them under compulsion and 
menace of death. Talent requires liberty, and slavery kills 
invention. The Bolshevists have no créative power, and no real 
originality, therefore they cannot understand the only condi- 
tions under which créative work, initiative and invention are 

$ i ~ ■' '' . . . : • • n ' • *: J: 

Shortsi^htedness of Bolshevists . 

" . ' • ' .' , . y h ' < »■ ■ ■ • ' '■ *».. 

They hate liberty, and do not admit free expression of 
public opinion, which to them is always a manifestation of 
counter-revolution. They could not stand the existence of a 
constituent assembly of legitimate représentatives of the 
people, and they prétend to represent the people, without 
havingthe slightest right to speak in their name. Their short- 
sightedness leads them to such measures as the limitless 
émission of forged banknotes. They paid immense salaries 
to their partisans, but thèse salaries became worthless, 
because the money paid by the Bolshevists represented no 
value whatever. Their spirit of greed, hatred and vengeance 
made them entirely blind to the conséquences of their actions. 

Frightfulness, cruelty and rage of destruction. v 

They have carried to extrême limits the German pratice 

— 10 — 

of frightfulness, and have beaten every record by their cruelty 
and rage of destruction, with the utmost disregard of any 
possible advantage to the country in which they are ruling, or 
to mankind in gênerai. As they could not always find Rus- 
sians able to carry out their inhuman orders, they resorted, 
to the Chinese, known for their soulless delight in inflicting 
tortures. A very peculiar characteristic of Bolshevism is 
cruelty to women and children. Many children were tortured 
to death, or burnt in their homes; délicate women of refined 
society were obliged to wash dirty linen, and were violated; 
men wère skinned and burnt. 

- - < TCbé 


The accounts of thèse acts of violence and cruelty are 
numerous and fully reliable. (See pp. 20, 25, 26, 27, 28, 34 
35, 36, 46, 47, 49 of the officiai reports). Bolshevist prisons, 
where men, women, girls and, children are kept without 
food or fuel, in appalling conditions, are themselves a kind 
of torture, which has killed many of the weaker victims. 
(See pp. 2, 5, 6, 7, 14, 18). But this is not enough for the 
^ vindicative spirit of Bolshevism, and they have often inven- 
ted spécial means of torturing their victims to death, by 
exposing them naked to freezing water, or by resorting to 
the worst recorded examples of inhuman cruelty. 

Best citizens killed, others morally debased. 

The Bolshevist rule has as its inévitable conséquence the 
destruction of educated and refined people, especially of 
those whose feeling of dignity forbids them to witness acts 
of injustice and wanton mischief without protest. The popu- 
lation left in a country after a year or two of Bolshevism, 
will be weakened by famine and incapacitated for work, 
unruly and to a great extent morally insane. The masses 
will haveiost their habit of working and their consciousness 
of duties to fulfil. The few surviving educated people will 
have lost their faith in social progress or reform of any kind. 
It will be difficult in such a country to find enterprise and 
initiative for the reconstruction of normal social life. A 
people deprived of its educated classes sinks down to the 
level of animal life, and thinks only of food and lust. 

Destruction of wealth. 

But not only the human material of a country will be 
deteriorated by Bolshevist rule. A great many homes will 
be destroyed by fire and burglary, many records of légal 
relations will have undergone partial or total ruin, priyate 
archives, libraries, and collections of Art will have been 
treated as fuel. In-great cities the Bolshevists prétend to 
care specially for the préservation of treasuries of art and 
science, but this again of their many false pretences, 
because they destroy wealthy homes with ail their contents, 
and if they préserve some libraries or collections, they 
entrust them to such absolutely incompétent guardians, 
• that much damage will certainly be done. We may fear 
that any country, after a protracted rule of Bolshevists, will 
be deprived of its best men, of its most refined families, of 
its records of the past, and of nearly everything that has 
been the work of générations. Widespread famine will 
prevail, and the deficiency of cattle, horses and machinery 
will make it very difficult to bring agricultural production 
to its normal efficiency. Skilled workmen will have emigrated 
in great numbers and the resumption of productive work 
will be extremely difficult. 

§. .. -. 
Inévitable reaction. 

Reconstruction will be possible only under military rule 
enforcing respect of the law. A very reactionary government 
must corne after a period of arbitrary despotism of the 
uneducated masses. Every kind of liberalism, radicaHsm, 
socialism and even republicanism will certainly be discred- 
ited through the abuses of Bolshevism. Whatever Goverment 
will restore order, it will be obliged to concentrate ail its 
care on agriculture, and agriculture of the most primitive 
kind, because a country ruined by Bolshevism will not soon 
be able to develop its industry. Having very limited exports, 
such a country will, for a long time be unable to import 
•machinery, to repair destroyed houses and railways, or to 
further popular éducation. A few years of Bolshevism may 
throw a whole country back to the most primitive conditions 
of existence. 

Instability of Government. 

A bolshevised population will not have the stability of 
rules and traditions which we nnd among the savages- 
Distrust, disobedience, and anarchy will; for years, cause 
great instability of government. Even the strongest govern- 
ment cannot last, when in the population ail respect for 
authority is lost. We shall therefore witness in such fréquent changes of government, a succession of 
révolutions, a great instability of State boundaries, as in the 
South American Republics, after their émancipation from 
the Spanish despotic and arbitrary government, which, 
in history, has been the nearest approaçh to Russian 

• •'■ ■ ' -\ - - • - • -:.'-c*| 

Succession of dictators. 

The so cailed dictatorship of the prolétariat leads to the 
arbitrary dictatorship of ambitious individuals, who will fail 
one after another to restore a durable order. This is a 
gênerai déduction from the character of Bolshevist rule, 
as it has been manifested on a large scale in Russia. If a 
gang of Bolshevists succeed in ruling a country for some 

111. — Bolshevism in Russia. 

Wrong analogies from Russian history. 

Now let us consider the reasons why Bolshevism has been 
able to succeed in Russia, for this will lead us to probable 
conclusions as to its possible success in other countries. 
We must first of ail beware of looking upon Bolshevism 
as a peculiarly Russian product. Some Russians are under 
this delusion, and compare the Bolshevist rule from 191710 
igigwith the so called smutnoje wremia from 1610 to i6i3, 
when much destruction of wealthy homes by peasants had 
also taken place. But there did not then exist a single 
centralised government in Russia, with a great army and 
developed bureaucracy, as exists under the Bolshevist rule. 
Destruction was not so widely spread, nor accompanied by 

such perverse cruelty. Nor can we compare with Bolshe- 
vism the various revolts of peasants which have taken place 
from time to time in Russia, as under Pugaczew or Stienka 
Razin. They were always local affairs, and never pretended 
to reform the whole of mankind. 

Bolshevism brougbt from Germany. 

Bolshevism was not born in Russia; it was brought from 
Germany and started with German funds. Until lately the 
Bolshevist leaders remained very faithful to their German 
masters, and the German Embassy could protect ail genuine 
Germanophils against the worst outrages of Bolshevists. 
It took a long time before Lenin and Trotzky emancipated 
themselves from German rule ; even in 1918 they immedia- 
tely avenged the murder of Mirbach, the German repré- 

Favourable conditions for Bolshevism. 

However it is not by accident that the Jewish-German 
organisation of the gang of Bolshevists had its first great 
success in Russia. This does not mean that there is 
anything Russian in Bolshevism, but simply that in Russia 
Bolshevism found most exceptionally favourable conditions 
for the réalisation of its plans. 

Différence of class . 

First of ail, in Russia, the différence between the unedu- 
cated peasant and the high officiai of nobility was greater 
than the différence between an English workman and an 
English lord, vvho often read the same newspaper, and 
have sometimes common political ideals. The Russian illi- 
terate peasant, even if he became a workman in a factory, 
lived in the greatest misery and had only the most elemen- 
tary physical needs. The wealthy class in Russia, owning 
large estâtes and occupying high positions in the admin- 
istration, wronged the people in many ways, and they 
created hatred and envy against themselves. Nowhere in 
Europe was the différence of classes so great. This différ- 
ence was increased by the irreligiosity of the upper classes 
and the intense religiosity of the people. The industrial 

population, though very often apparently irreligious, took 
with religious fervour the gospel of socialism, which to 
them became a faith, for which they were ready to live or 
die. The educated classes had no faith whatever, and 
lived in the most revolting selfishness.' The notorious 
absence of patriotism in the leading classes deprived them 
of every link with the people. The people looked on thèse 
utterly selfish sceptics with contempt, .and had nothing in 
common with them, neither religious convictions nor 
national ideals. This was idéal ground for the doctrine of 
class warfare and the destruction of the higher classes. 

Uneducated masses. 


The absence of éducation in the people, their illiteracy 
and boundless ignorance, their hereditary degeneration by 
drink, followed by the sudden introduction of total absti- 
nence, their great credulity, bred by the influence of byzan- 
tine christianity, were fùrther favourable conditions for the 
success of an unscrupulous gang, who promised. wonderful 
reforms, a paradise on earth, with plenty of everything and 
no obligation to work. 

Bureaucratie centralisation. 

The great centralisation of the Russian empire enabled 
Lenin, when he mastered Petrograd, to use the whole 
bureaucracy of the Empire for the extension of his power. 
Most of the old officiais of the tsar served the new Bolshe- 
vist chiefs with the same passive obédience which they had 
acquired during the autocratie régime, and they continued 
toMevy illegitimate contributions called w\iatki, which were 
usual in Russia. 

Sensé of defeat. 

Military defeat, with ail that it implied, the putting into 
practice of Tolstoj's doctrine of non-resistance by the 
soldiers, the treason of high officiais in German pay, the 
gênerai feeling of despondency amongst the people, ail made 
the task of the brigands easier, and enabled them to establish 
an apparently stable government, which made laws and régu- 
lations with almost the same rapidity as it issued forged 

— 25 — 

N© real patriote. 

Ijf *in Russia there could have been found more men of 
dignity and honour, real patriots, the people would not have 
been so completely dominated by a gang of foreign unscrup- 
klous bandits. But in Russia, the very noblest characterS 
: suffered from hopeless scçpticism, and were unable to make 
àny organised résistance. Many ôthers had as their only aim 
their own officiai career, and the State was for them chiefly 
the instrument which served to satisfy their personal ambi- 
tions and interests. Very few cared about the people or 
knew the working classes at ail. The landlords drew their 
incomes from their estâtes, but very rarely lived on them. 
Their agents oppressed the peasants in many ways. 

IReligiosity of the people without direction. 

In Russia there might have been one power only against 
jBolshevism : the great religiosity of the people, if the people 
had found in the clergy compétent educators. But this reli- 
.gious people despised its popes, who. were morally and 
dntellectually very much inferior to the Roman Catholic 
priests or to the Protestant pastors of other countries, or 
to the Rabbis of the despized Jewish population. The 
-clergy had been atrophied by the government oi the Tsar 
which used religion as one of the weapons of political 
oppression. Thus the natural deep religiosity of the people 
was left without compétent direction, and became ano- 
ther favourable circumstance for the réalisation of the 
Bolshevist plan. 

Readiness for change. 

The people, disgusted with the sad reality ot their own 
life,were ready to accept any new faith which promised an 
improvement on the existing misery. The Bolshevist gospel 
was easy to understand* It pointed out a culprit — the 
educated classes which had been really guilty of shameless 
indifférence towards the people. It preached an easy re- 
medy : the destruction of thèse educated classes with ail 
theiF property and their accumulated riches. It opened fora 
.time a great perspective of the equal distribution of wealth. 

— 26 — 

Miscalculation of results. 

This wéalth appeared to the poor workmeri and pea- 
sants as almost unlimited. Nobody was able to calculate how 
Iittle the inclividual condition of the poorest could be improv^ 
ed by the arbitrary distribution of what could be taken 
from the richest. The chief part of thèse spoils went to the 
leaders, who used the confiscated wealth for their propa- 
ganda in Russia and abroad, and for their own pleasure. 

False information finds believers. 

Numberless lies were disseminated in ail countries about 
Bolshevism as a true redeeming gospel of social reform. 
French socialists and some English pacifists took thèse lies 
seriously, and were as easily cheated as the credulous 
Russian peasants. Bolshevist agents went with considérable 
means to neutral countries, and started an enormous propa- 
ganda in favour*of Bolshevism in France, England and 
America. Thus the governments of thèse countries were^ 
prevented for a long time from taking concerted action 
against Bolshevism. They were taught to look upon the 
Bolshevist gang as upon a regular governmentaccepted by the 
Russian people. The invitation to Prinkipo was one of the 
eflfects of this strange credulity of some of the leading poli- 
ticians. Nobody dared to formulate the simple truth, that 
the Bolshevists were a. gang of foreign scoundrels who repre- 
sented nobody but themselves, and who were sent to Russia 
by the Germans, in order to facilitate the German occu- 
pation of the country. 

Vain appeals. 

The pathetic appeals of Mr. Lindlày from Archangel,. 
now published in the White Book, led to nothing. The mur- 
der of Captain Cromie had no such effect on English public 
opinion as the murder of Gordon in Khartoum. In vain 
Mr. Alston warned from Vladivostock in January 1919 that 
there would be a shortage of foodstuffs in Europe so long as 
the rields of Russia we-re unproductive, or their produce 
unable to be exported, as Russia was the principal granary 
bf Europe. Report after report on Bolshevist atrocities- 
reached the English Foreign Office from September 191 8, and 

still the Bolshevists were treated as a real government r 
though nôt officially reeognised. "Tfre appeals of Sir Eliot in 
February and of General Knox in March, had no greater 
efifect on active intervention. **** :i z "' 

Indifférence of Western governments. 

This indifférence of the Western Powers and the Wes- 
tern nations towards the hardships suffered by Englishmen 
in Russia, can only be explained by the delusion that Bol- 
shevism is a peculiarly Russian evil, which does not serious- 
ly threaten other countries. Not even the success of Bolshe- 
vism in Hungary and Bavaria opened the eyes of the West- 
ern statesmen. In vain compétent witnesses warned that 
there was a serious danger, threatening the whole of Western 
civilisation. A small regular army might have jtaken Petro- 
grad in 1918, and could have restored order and économie 
production in Russia almost immediatery after the armistice 
with Germany. The Western governments were busy discus- 
ing the ternis of peace, instead of sending through Dantzig 
a few hundred thousand men to help the Pôles in their 
efforts against the Bolshevists. Nobody understood that Bol- 
shevism was a great péril to the peace of the world, and that 
without peace, order and productive work in Russia, there 
could not be a lasting peace in Europe. 

Alternative of Bolshevism. 

The Bolshevist epidemy will inevitably be succeeded in 
Russia by a renewal of autocracy and both evils, aùtocracy 
and Bolshevism threaten European liberty and democracy 
in a similar manner. In both cases the large majority'of a 
country is subordinated to the arbitrary rule of a small 
gang of ringleaders. Bolshevism and autocracy are two alter- 
native symptoms of the same social disease, and succeéd each 
other like excitation and dépression in mental diseases. 
Serious social progress and reform are alike impossible- 
under Bolshevist rule as under autocracy, because they 
require really free individuals who cannot grow up in se. 
succession of political convulsions. 

IV. — Possible Bolshevîsm in Germany 

Danger to Germany not appreciated. 

Many politicians do not yet consider as a serious possi- 
îhMity a Bolshevist révolution in Germany. They think 
:that as the Germans threaten themselves with an outbreak 
of social révolution the danger is not real, because the 
Germans always announce the contrary of what happens. 
It has been even said that to insist on the danger of 
Bolshevism] in Germany is to help the Germans in their 
attempt to terrorize the public opinion of Europe. But 
some of the conditions of the success of Bolschevism in 
Russia exist also in Germany. First of ail there is a great 
différence between the classes and this became very promi- 
nent during the war. In no other country has the privilège 
of birth been so décisive for social position as in Germany, 
which has been ruled for générations by a privileged caste. 
The différence between soldier and offlcer in the army has 
created a good deal of envy and hate, so that many soldiers 
said they would kill their offlcers at the first opportunity. 

Absence of true national feeling. 

Another essential similarity between Germany and 
Russia is the [absence of [true national feeling in the upper 
classes, |who in many respects have shown in Germany the 
same narrow selfishness as jin Russia, the same indifférence 
to the real needs of the people. Their ambition was concen- 
trated on their power in the State and the power of the State. 

Worship of the State. 

The worship of the State is a feeling totally différent 
from genuine patriotism. The German State was an organi- 
sation in which the many served the interests and ambitions 
of the few. A true nation is a brotherhood in which those 
who have more, either in money, intelligence or moral 
strenght, serve the needs of those who have less in any 
respect. Worship of a powerful State breeds ambition, 
which is incompatible with the humility taught by real 

patriotism. The Germans have not this spiritual unity of 
ail classes and parties which the French call l'union sacrée. 

Irreligiosity of the Germans. 

There is one peculiarity of modem Germany which 
makes a social upheaval even easier than in Russia — thç 
irreligiosity of ail classes, propagated by the socialists among 
workmen and by the Universities and Protestant theologians 
of the type of Strauss, among thé educated people. The crude 
materialism of Germany's greatest scientists, like Ostwald 
or Haeckel, has no such représentatives in contemporary 
France. This materialism has spread among ail classes, and 
has greatly weakened the moral forces of the people. Class 
warfare has been preached for more" than a génération, and 
has found the most éloquent apostles among such Jews of 
Germany as Marx and Lassalle. 

C:edulity of the masses. 

The credulity of the masses has been specially trained 
during the War, and now, when ail the promises of the 
military gang which prepared the war, have failed, any new 
faith, advocating radical class warfare, can easily be accepted 
by the masses. There is a real culprit, the privileged classes 
which have made the war, and there is the feeling of military 
defeat. The Germans see that Europe expects them to 
work for more than a génération like slaves, in order to pay 
the debt, incurred by their masters. The people may feel 
that they have lost everything and have therefore nothing 
more to lose, but perhaps still something to gain in a 
gamblers desperate attempt to risk his very existence. If 
the whole nation has to be ruined, it may appear intolérable 
to look on the luxury of those privileged classes which 
caused the war, and the people may delight in torturing 
them in the Bolshevist fashion. 

Centralisation of bureaucracy. 

The centralisation of bureaucracy in Germany is still 
greater than in Russia, and it is easy for a clever group of 
Bolshevists to become the masters of the whole country, 
preaching vengeance on the olfîcers of the Armyandonthe 

: great capitalists, chiefly responsible for the war. A new 
hope of an universal social révolution might still galvanize 
the beaten army and create a red guard of a very resolute 

Another Lenin may arise. 

It is true. that a Lenin would not be able to carry out 
such a scheme in Germany, but Germany may find a false 
saviour of her own, and she has this advantage over Russia 
that she would not need to apply to the Chinese for cruelty 
and frightfulness, as the Germans themselves have shown 
extraordinary capacities in this direction. 

Great losses. 

The Germans have lost through the war even more of 
their hopes and expectations than of actual Wealth or posses- 
sions. Such material losses as those of ail their colonies, of 
the navy, and of the Saare district, are very hard to 
bear, and may drive a very unbalanced population to 
madness. There is a traditional weakness in Germany for 
idealistic doctrines, which disregard reality and lead to 
extrêmes. Such a doctrine was Pangermanism ; and Bolshe- 
vism, implying the radical destruction of the very guilty 
German upper classes, might spread like wildfire, should a 
clever leader arise to lead the despairing masses against the 
upper classes. If the Allies do not décide to intervene 
seriously in Russia, and Bolshevism breaks out in Germany, 
then Western Europe also, and especially England, may be 
seriously threatened. In Germany, like in Russia, there is 
an alternative open : after an unsuccessful attempt at social 
révolution, autocratie government may be restored, and will 
be even more reactionary than ever beforè. The number 
of real citizens who understand liberty and love it, is 
too small in Germany as well as in Russia, and thèse two 
countries will be apt for a long time to corne to join their 
ressoureps, in order to destroy European peace and liberty, 
either by militarism or by social disorganisation of the 
Bolshevist type. 

— 3i — 

V. — Poland and Bolshevism 

Strong Poland needed. 

The only force which can prevent the outbreak in Ger- 
many, is a really strong Poland. It was a very serious mistake 
to deprive Poland of her national harbour and -of the posses- 
sion of her national river from source to mouth. Poland 
without Dantzig cannot be a really great Power > and the 
Allies have, in this case, treated Poland more like a beaten 
enemy, than as an Ally. 

Conditions of résistance. 

Poland has two conditions, which make her specially 
able to resist Bolshevism and autocracy : an intense national 
feeling in ail classes, and a very intense religiosity. She has 
also a great number of small landowners, most refractory 
to Bolshevism. But she has also a very great number of Jews, 
who are the most suitable human material for a Bolshevist 
upheaval. The Polish Jews are misérable, dirty, and full of 
greed and envy. They emancipate themselves from ail moral 
scruples as soon as they give up.the religion of their ances- 
tors. By their greed they ave accumulated wealth during 
the war without sharing the risk, and they have produced 
so much adverse feeling that sometime this led to violent 
outbreaks of public indignation, which were represented as 
massacres of the Jews in the Jewish press ail over the world. 
In truth very few Jews have suffered in Poland but they have 
awakened by their attitude a deep mistrust of the Jewish 
propaganda of Bolshevism. 

Poland weakened by the Allies. 

The {disregard for the most legitimate Polish national 
aspirations, shown by the Peace- conférence, has greatly 
weakened Poland. It has produced throughout the whole 
nation a sensé of military defeat, and of German victory. 
The Polish people is intensely religious and patriotic, but 
has been taught by its three enemies disrespect for every 
authority and contempt for every government. Therefore it 
-is not easy to govern in Poland, and the Polish government 

needs success in its foreign politics, in order to maintain its 

prestige in its own country. The décisions of the Peace: 

Conférence as to Dantzig, Teschen, East Prussia, Lithuania,. 

if unfavourable to Polish national aspirations, will be looked 

upon by public opinion as German victories, and as defeats. 

for the Polish national government. 

" - . " ~ » ^~ ' - ■ - 

Natural strength of Poland. 

Notwithstanding ail thèse unfavourable circumstarices,* 
there are certain conditions which make of Poland a natural 
bulwark against Russian as well as German Bolshevism. 
The Polish nation has always had intensely religious 
leaders, and ail classes are united in this fervent fâith» 
which has been unanimously professed by the greatest 
Polish thinkers and poets. Though the Pôles have never had^ 
any real antisemitism such as exists in Germany or Russiay 
they have an innate distrust of the Jews, and no Trotzky' 
could govern in Warsaw as he does in Môscow or Petrograd'.. 
What distinguishesthe Pôles from most other nations whichi 
have taken part in the war, is their readiness, like the English, 
to go on fighting, though they have suffered more through 
the war thanany other nation. This readiness to fight for the 
integrity of their territory, is the resuit of an intense patrio-- 
tism which unités ail classes in Poland to an extent which no ■ 
Western nation has ever experienced, because nowhere such; 
cruel foreign oppression has lasted for more than a century., 

Difficultés of the situation. 

But the difficultés of the situation in Poland are very 
great. The country is as thoroughly ruined by the 
Germans, as if the Bolshevist déluge had already overrun it. 
The Polish army lacks munitions, clothing, shoes and food ; 
ail the necessities of life reach extravagant prices, and there 
is no direct communication with the Western Allies, 
because thèse have neglected the military occupation of 
Dantzig, which ought to have been one of the most impor- 
tant conditions of the armistice. 

Enemies of Poland. 

The Pôles have not only the Bolshevists against them, 
but also the Tchèques and tne Ukrainians, two peoples very 

— 33 - 

ripe for Bolshevism, because they are very much under- 
German influence. The Germans help not only the Bolshe- 
vists, but also the Ukrainians, and the Ukrainian people is 
led by a gang very similai to the BolsHevists. The true 
Ukrainians are not enemies of the Pôles, as they have been 
voluntarily united with Poland for centuries, and have 
never been able to form a State of their own. The State 
which now bears the name "of Ukraine, is an artificial 
German création, and serves the aims of the Germans. The 
real advantage of Pôles and |Ukrainians requires their close 
union, while war between thèse two peoples benefits only 
the Germans, who have succeeded in provoking it, because 
the Allies have not insisted on German démobilisation, and 
on the return of ail German officers from Poland and 
Ukraine to Germany. 

Material* and moral help needed. 

Under thèse circumstances it is necessary to help Poland 
in her struggle for European civilisation against Bolshevism.- 
This help must consist not only in the supply of food v 
munitions and cloihing, but also in the sincère récognition 
of the truth that the partitions of Poland were a crime, and 
that the full reconstitution of Poland as a great Power is> 
necessary for the peace and security of Europe. 

Russia and Poland. 

Russia has tried to take the place of Poland, but has 
failed. The récognition of the elementary truth that a free 
Poland, and not a despotic Russia, is the natural ally of the 
Western powers, will be of great moral importance to the 
Pôles, and will increase the force of their 'résistance against 
Bolshevism. The despotism of the Bolshevists will inevitably 
be followed by other despotisms in Russia, and many géné- 
rations must work in order to build several free States, on 
the ruins of the Russian Empire. Meanwhile, Europe cannot 
count on Russia, but can fully rely on Poland. The secular 
struggle between despotic Mtfscovy and a free Poland led,, 
in the XVIII century, to the extinction of ail liberty in 
Central Europe. It is time now, in the XX century, to- 
recognise that the parutions of Poland wronged not only- 

Poland, but Européen liberty, and that only afull restitution 
of ail what three German dynasties have taken away from 
Poland, can secure peace, order and freedom in Central and 
Eastern Europe. 

Poland, Rumania and Serbia. 

Poland as a great Fédération, including Lithuania and 
Ruthenia, extending from the Baltic to the Black Sea, in 
close union with Rumania Bohemia and Serbia, will form 
the necessary bulwark for preventing German influence in 
Russia. Germany, between a powerful Poland and France, 
will be obliged to capitulate, and to give up her dreams 
of world domination. As long as Germany can reach Russia, 
Russia will remain a péril to European peace and ci îli- 

German plans. 

If Europe distrusts Poland, Poland will be unable to 
fulfil her historié mission of defending European liberty 
against Asiatic despotism. Asiatic despotism has pene- 
trated through Prussia into Germany, and Germany threat- 
ens to organise the whole of Eastern Europe and Northern 
Asia for the destruction of Western civilisation, either by 
the force of a strong army or by the social disorganisation 
of Bolshevism. There is no nation better able to prevent 
this danger than Poland, provided she is sincerely helped 
by the Allies. 

VI. — Danger to Western civilisation. 

Favourable conditions for Bolshevism. 

If, on the other hand, the Allies, for the sake of peace 
with Germany, give up the principles for which the war lias 
been fought, then Poland, situated between a Bolshevist or 
autocratie Russia and a Bolshevist or autocratie Germany, 
will again be the victim of her isolation and of the indiffé- 
rence of Europe to her fate. But Bolshevism or autocracy. 

— 35 — 

triumphant from the Ural to the Rhine, will also seriously 
threaten England, France and Italy. There are, in thèse 
countries, several conditions favourable to Bolshevist under- 
lakings, especially the prevailing irreligion of the masses, 
leading to materialistic tendencies. A great number of work- 
men have been accustomed, during the war, to very high 
wages, which it will be impossible to continue to pay in time 
of peace,or,ifthey arepaid, the prices of the necessities will 
be so muchincreased, that the high wages will be insufficient. 
The ruling classes have not yet been able to organise the 
workers, so as to secure for them permanent employment. 
While a real improvement of social conditions requires 
•continuons work, strikes occur everywhere, and from time 
to time there is a menace of a gênerai strike, which would 
paralyse the whole of social life. The war has given great 
wealth to the individuals who are morally the most défi- 
cient — the profiteers of war, headed by big international 
financial concerns which disregard national interests, and 
awake hatred and contempt in the masses. 

Dissatisfaction of the masses. 

There is a widely spread suspicion amongst the masses 
against the political leaders, and a certain feeling of defeat, 
because the aims for which millions have fought and died, 
seem to be disregarded by the officiai représentatives of the 
Great Powers at the Peace Conférence. The new order pro- 
posed for Europe is the fruit of compromise, and cannot 
satisfy those who désire justice and liberty. The différence 
made between Great Powers and small nations, the com- 
plète subordination of European nations to five great Powers, 
two of which have never participated in European affairs, 
produces on the masses the impression that thèse affairs 
are managed without due regard to the legitimate aspira- 
tions of the nations. 

Bolshevist propaganda. 

Ail thèse circumstances facilitate Bolshevist propaganda, 
for which the Bolshevists have accumulated enormous 
means in neutral countries. Russia is exhausted, and the 
Bolshevist gang has to seek new victims, in order to satisfy 


its greed and ambition of power. England with her labour 
troubles, withunrest in Ireland, Egypt and India, is a tempt- 
pting prey, and promises great spoils. There are légions of 
English-speaking Bolshevist agents in England and America. 
Bolshevism has gained vast expérience in Russia, and also 
the meâns of developping its propaganda. The Bolshevists 
came to Russia with a few hundred thousand pounds of 
German money to start with; now they have millions at their 
disposai, and a greatly increased number of well trained 
agents. The war has destroyed the balance of mind in many 
gifted writers and publicists, who see clearly the great evils 
of the présent time, but cannot find by themselves efficient 
remédies. * They can easily be won by promises of social 
reform based on the communistic programme. A gênerai 
revolt against the existing order in the name of a better 
future organisation of society is therefore not impossible in 
Western countries, if the Bolshevist conspiracy dominâtes 
Germany and Poland. Outbreaks in Hungary and Bavaria, 
and the Bolshevist menace of a gênerai strike in Switzerland, 
show that such upheavals are possible. 
< s . / ' - • ■ v ' ■■ - • 

Protection against'Bolshevism. 

It is true that Bolshevism could not be so easily estab- 
lished in France and England as in Germany, and 
probably could not last so long as in Russia. In Western 
countries there is more patriotism in ail classes, and a 
serious striving for social reform. In France the great 
number of small capitalists and landowners would offer an 
energetic résistance to every communistic conspiracy. In 
England the sane tradition of fairness and respect for 
property is a safeguard against the collective madness of 
radical class warfare. There is no such credulity of the 
masses in France and in England as in Russia or Germany. 

Prévention better than pure. 

But the unexpected often happens, and we must foresee 
very serious difficultés in the near future, which will be 

* See for instance, Miss Louise Bryant Six red months in Russia r 
London, Heinemann 1919. 

- 3 7 - 

increased, if ail industrial and agricultural production is 
hindered in the greatest part of Europe, from the Rhine to 
the Ural Mountains. Therefore it is the serious duty of 
governments and nations to take such measures as will 
render the progress of Bolshevism towards the West 
impossible. A great fire cannot be extinguished easily 
wheîi it has spread over a large area, but it is easy to 
prevent its extension when it begins. Bolshevism has 
destroyed Russia, and seriously threatens Poland and 
Germany. There are certainly some men, amongst those who 
in England and France have withstood four years of war, 
who would gladly volunteer for further service in the 
défense of Western civilisation, if they understood the danger 
that threatens to destroy everything dear to us. Such men 
.should be sent to Poland, and an efficient service of régula r 
approvisation over Dantzig should be started immediately. 
Polish Cause and anti-Bolshevism. 

The Polish Cause is identical with anti-Bolshevism, and 
Poland cannot be free if Bolshevism prevails in Europe. 
Therefore Poland deserves to be trusted and helped to the 
utmost. A solemn proclamation by the Allies of the rights 
of Poland to Dantzig and ail the territory which belonged 
to the Pôles in 1772, would show the Pôles that the Allies 
really mean-to start an era of international justice, after the 
long period of the reign^of force and of political compromise. 
This would increase their forces in the very difficult 
struggie. Poland must become again what she was for 
centuries, a great European Power, and not remain a poor 
nation under foreign protection. 

Usurpation of Russia. 

Europe has seen that Russia was unable to keep lier prom- 
ises and obligations. Russia had not only taken the greatest 
part of Polish territory, but had usurped the place of 
Poland in Europe. She has had over a century to show her 
utter incapacity of filling that place. Now this place must 
be restored to Poland with jthe territory belonging to her. 

Hindenburg's opinion. 

Hindenburg himself testifies, as Bismarck did in former 

times, that the independence of Poland would be a mortal 
blow to Germany, In his speech to the Hilfsschùt\enveveitr 
fur Oberschlesien in April 19 19, he said that the Pôles 
alone are able to organise and to lead the Slavs. If the 
Western Allies accept this testimony of a beaten enemy as 
trustworthy, they must givé up the German conceptions of 
small States between Germany and Russia, and help the Pôles 
to build a really strong Fédération of Central Europe, 
cxtending from Finland to Greece and isolating Germany 
from Russia by a barrier of moie than hundred twenty 
million citizen conscious of their national rights. 



Préface . p. — 3-7" 


The Netherlands Minister — Mr Lockhart — Colonel Kimens 9-12 
— Mr. Lindley — Mr. Alston — Rev. Lombard 13-15 


Foreign and antinational- character — Insincerity of Bolshe- 16 

vists — They have done.great harm to labour — Contempt for 17 

every superiority — use of false names and forged money — 17 

misundersfood Marxism — Marx and Lenin — wrong appréciation 18-19> 

of talent — shortsightedness — cruelty — Torture — destruction 19-20' 

of wealth — inévitable reaction — instability of future govern- 21-22 

ments. 22 

- ■ 


Wrong analogies — Bolshevism broughtfrom Germany — diffe- 22-23 

rence of classes — bureaucratie centralisation — sensé of 23-24 

defeat — no patriotism — religiosity without direction — readi- 24-25- 

ness for change — false information — vain appeals — alternative 25-27 

of Bolshevism. 27 


Danger to Germany not appreciated — absence of true natio- 28- 
nal feeling — worship of the State — irreligiosity of the 28-29» 
Germans — credulity of the masses — centralisation of bureau- 29 
cracy — another Lenin might arise. x 30 


Strong Roland needed — Poland weakened by the Allies — 31 
natural strength of Poland — difficultés of the situation — 31-32 
Enemies of Poland — Material and moral help needed — 32-33. 
Russia and Poland — Poland Rumania and Serbia — German 33-34 
plans. 34 


Favourable conditions for Bolshevism — dissatisfaction of 34-35. 

the masses — Bolshevist propaganda — protection against 35-36 

Bolshevism — prévention better than cure — Polish cause and 36-37 

anti-Bolshevism — usurpation of Russia — Hindenburg's 3a 
opinion .